Facing the future in confidence and unity
SEAN BRADY analyses the step forward taken by the SF Ard Fheis
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Republican strategy is now based more on increasing political
strength, confronting opponents head-on, bringing as many people
into the struggle as possible, and the conviction that the
republican argument is powerful and unanswerable, than in
defensive strategies based on abstention, ideological purity and
the confusion of tactic for principle which has dogged the modern
republican movement for several decades
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Sinn Féin's 1998 Ard Fheis was undoubtedly one of the most
historic in the development of the party. It marked a watershed
not only in the history of the republican movement but in modern
Irish history itself.
The issue of Sinn Féin's attitude to a Six County assembly and
the approach to be adopted towards the two forthcoming referenda
were obviously what dominated proceedings.
What this Ard Fheis demonstrated was the continuing flexibility
of this generation of republican activists when faced with hard
decisions. The truly revolutionary nature of the republican
movement has been highlighted in recent years by the adaptation
of its strategy and tactics to fit the objective conditions at
any particular phase in the struggle. And more often than not
those very objective conditions have been shaped by the actions
and strategy of Sinn Féin itself.
Sinn Féin has, since 1994, engaged in a political offensive, one
of such intensity, and pursued with such relentless
determination, that it has reshaped the political landscape North
and South.
The first thing this offensive did was to disarm those elements
in the 26 County political, media and intellectual establishments
who sought to keep Sinn Féin and its analysis outside the pale.
The second thing it did was to force constitutional nationalism
into formulating constructive proposals for moving the political
situation in the North forward. This in turn forced the British
government to concentrate again on Ireland and to accept that the
status quo had to change. In turn this has driven a wedge between
different sections of unionism and faced unionist political
leaders with a choice between eternal resistance to political
change of any description or one of engaging with the realities
of the situation and entering serious negotiations with Irish
nationalism.
It was in the context of these developments and in continuing
pursuit of that strategy that Sinn Féin delegates at the
reconvened Ard Fheis came to discuss the important resolutions
proposing attendance, for the first time in the party's history,
in a Six County Assembly and that the party support a Yes vote in
both referenda.
Serious reservations regarding the party publicly supporting the
Yes campaign were voiced and cogently argued throughout the day,
but arguments in favour of continued abstentionism from Six
County institutions were few and far between. This showed both
the growing flexibility of the party when faced with unpalatable
realities and the determination of its membership not to be
boxed-in by the tactics and politics of its opponents.
It also showed the change in the political landscape and context
and the confidence of republicans in their own political
strength, since the days when mention of attendance at any such
institution would have been complete anathema.
Republican strategy is now based more on increasing political
strength, confronting opponents head-on, bringing as many people
into the struggle as possible, and the conviction that the
republican argument is powerful and unanswerable, than in
defensive strategies based on abstention, ideological purity and
the confusion of tactic for principle which has dogged the modern
republican movement for several decades.
Republicans have decided not to rule out any tactics in the
pursuit of national freedom. In doing so they have shown the
increased sophistication, not only of the republican leadership
but of the membership of Sinn Féin and its voters and supporters
North and South.
This is not to say that many republicans do not have serious
concerns about the current situation and some of these were
expressed at the reconvened Ard Fheis. The reiteration several
times within the Good Friday document of the unionist veto over
constitutional change is something which several delegates felt
should compel Sinn Féin to call for a No vote in both referenda.
Others felt that the two referenda asked two different questions
of both electorates and that the party should seek a Yes vote in
the Six Counties and a No in the 26 as the removal of Articles
Two and Three and the wording of their replacement were an
obstacle to Irish unity and should be resisted at all costs.
Others felt that for strategic electoral considerations the party
should explore the idea of a supporting a No vote in the 26
Counties to give political leadership to many nationalists, not
just Sinn Féin supporters, who opposed vehemently any changes to
Articles Two and Three.
The point was made in the course of the debate that the fact that
Articles Two and Three were being scrapped in the Agreement, was
down to the negotiating weakness of Fianna Fáil and the SDLP on
this point and not for the want of effort by Sinn Féin who
opposed any redefinition of the national territory or dilution of
the constitutional imperative to unity.
The overriding sense at the Ard Fheis was one of unity. Delegate
after delegate expressed the need for unity and many who
disagreed with the Ard Chomhairle positions pointed out that
whatever the outcome, unity of purpose was paramount in their
considerations.
Such unity is more heartfelt and real than that which one would
experience at the Ard Fheis of any other Irish political party.
The reason being that the unity between republicans is one which
has been forged through three decades of unremitting struggle and
against all the odds, during which up to 20 members of Sinn Féin
have been assassinated, the party itself vilified, its leadership
demonised and the party machine forced to contend with daily
harassment and surveillance by state forces in both jurisdictions
in Ireland.
The sense of comradeship between republicans in struggle was
given pointed expression with the tumultuous welcome afforded to
the political prisoners who attended the Sunday Ard Fheis.
Michael O'Brien (O/C Portlaoise), Pádraig Wilson (O/C Long Kesh),
Geraldine Ferrity (O/C Magahberry) and the Balcombe Street Four
were warmly received as comrades in struggle. The spin which the
media put on the attendance of the political prisoners showed
just how far removed many political commentators are from the
realities of republican politics.
Despite what the media tried to tell people republican prisoners
who attended the RDS conference did not `swing' the Ard Fheis nor
was their presence meant to `sell' the leadership's proposals.
Delegates at the Ard Fheis came from across the 32 counties
mandated by local cumainn and regional Cúigí structures who had
discussed all of the issues thoroughly over several weeks at
meetings between themselves and with representatives of the party
leadership. In particular, each area had held meetings to discuss
the emergency proposals and mandated delegates accordingly. The
prisoners were there as republican activists, to take part in
that debate and as constituent members of the republican
struggle.
The clear message from the Ard Fheis was that the republican
struggle is far from over. The changes adopted at the Ard Fheis
are meant to facilitate the continuation of that struggle without
unnecessary restrictions. The task facing republicans is to turn
the current political situation into a transition phase towards
Irish unity. There are differences of opinions as to how best or
how quickly that can be achieved. It will require the devising of
new tactics and the further development of republican political
strategy. What is clear from the Ard Fheis is that republicans
face the next phase in great confidence and with complete unity
of purpose.
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