Sinn Féin dominates election debate on North
BY MICHEAL MacDONNCHA
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Repeatedly Labour has thrown a lifeline to Fine Gael who would
never be able to clamber on board the ship of state without them.
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Never before in the present era of Irish politics has the
national question figured so largely in a general election
campaign in the 26 Counties. The crossfire on the issue has
exposed the differences between the parties. It has also
highlighted the dilemma facing voters as the two contrived sets
of coalition partners seek mandates.
The revelation that in 1995 John Bruton told a reporter in Cork
that he was ``sick of answering questions about the fucking peace
process'' provided an insight into the thinking of the man. The
further revelation on Radio Ireland this week that he made the
remark a second time later that year was further confirmation of
his attitude to the issue. Bruton tried to dismiss the recording
of himself saying that he was glad not to have to talk about the
``fucking peace process'' as a joke against himself. But only a few
months earlier in opposition Bruton had made clear his hostility
to the Hume-Adams dialogue. He had also criticised the lifting of
Section 31 of the Broadcasting Act which banned Sinn Féin from
the airwaves.
In those days censorship meant that Bruton and his Justice
Minister Nora Owen were free to go unchallenged in statements
such as she made on Monday 26 May when she called for people to
vote for anybody but Sinn Féin. This echoed Bruton's statement
that a vote for Sinn Féin was a vote for violence and his appeal
to people in the Six Counties not to to vote Sinn Féin on 1 May
and on 21 May. On both occassions he was answered in the most
resounding way by tens of thousands of new republican voters.
Contrast these Fine Gael statements with Dick Spring's assertion
also on Monday that a vote for Sinn Féin was a vote for peace. ``I
would believe that it is a vote for peace. It's a vote for the
direction that the majority of people on this island want to go
in.''
Responding to criticism of this rift in the Coalition Democratic
Left leader Proinsias De Rossa defended previous remarks by
himself and Bruton that a vote for Sinn Féin was a vote for the
IRA. (De Rossa's linking of himself and Bruton was significant.
They are personally and ideologically close as pro-unionists.)
With twisted logic he then tried to square those statements with
Spring's. He said the context had changed since Bruton and
himself had spoken. Sinn Féin now had two MPs and an increased
local election mandate. One somehow doubts that this mandate will
give De Rossa a new democratic attitude to Sinn Féin voters, once
the election-time need to mend the obvious rift in the coalition
has passed.
The farcical position of the Progressive Democrats was also
starkly obvious. Mary Harney would like to go even further than
Bruton and De Rossa in sticking the boot in on republican voters.
But since her prospective Coalition partners in Fianna Fáil were
highly critical of the Rainbow rift, she had to keep her comments
low-key. For the moment all major differences are being submerged
but let there be no doubt - the prospect of the PDs in government
is not good for either the peace process or the social and
economic well being of people in the 26 Counties. Harney's
cynical vote-grabbing and prejudice-stirring swipe at lone
parents last week illustrates the latter point.
When last December John Major rejected the Hume/Adams proposals
to revive the peace process one party was out of step with the
rest of nationalist Ireland - the Progressive Democrats.
Their spokesperson on the the Six Counties, Dessie O'Malley said
that John Major's statement was ``reasonable'':
``The British government, in the circumstances, has gone as far as
its perilous parliamentary situation allowed it to go in trying
to encourage a positive response.''
Contrast that with Fianna Fáil leader Bertie Ahern's reaction. He
said that Major appeared to have issued a ``studied rebuff to John
Hume's peace initiative''. The British had ``tried to pre-empt
further discussion and negotiation''.
How can Fianna Fáil and the PDs be compatible in government with
such diverse attitudes?
Voters are thus presented with a dilemma. People anxious to be
rid of John Bruton for the sake of the peace process are faced
with the prospect of the PDs in the Cabinet. For this much of the
blame must go to Dick Spring.
By ruling out coalition with Fianna Fáil Dick Spring has pushed
Fianna Fáil and the PDs together. His only motive for this is his
desire to maximise Labour's power in government at all costs.
Labour has more power in a three-party coalition than in a
two-party coalition.
In fact Labour needs the PDs. Only the justifiable fear of Mary
Harney and Michael McDowell in the Cabinet can now save Labour
from major electoral losses. Public service workers who voted
Labour last time and were thinking of switching to Fianna Fáil
this time may well be having second thoughts after Mary Harney's
threat to cut 25,000 jobs in the public service. Labour's
commitment to the Maastricht criteria may mean that many of these
jobs go eventually, but the threat from the PDs is more
immediate.
Spring took a huge gamble when he staked his leadership on his
commitment to the Labour Party conference not to go into
coalition with Fianna Fáil after this election. This was aimed at
voters who supported Labour last time on the basis of Spring's
strong criticism of the outgoing Reynolds government. Then Spring
went in with Fianna Fáil. But he was equally critical of Fine
Gael and then went into government with Bruton whom he had
denounced in very strong terms.
If Spring's gamble does not pay off the PDs are likely to be in
government. If Fianna Fáil gets a strong vote the PDs' leverage
will be much less. Long forgotten by Spring of course is the old
Labour aim of a realignment of Irish politics. That could only
happen if a stronger Fianna Fáil eclipsed Fine Gael and faced a
left opposition in Leinster House. But repeatedly Labour has
thrown a lifeline to Fine Gael who would never be able to clamber
on board the ship of state without them.
d the way out of the dilemma? Elect Sinn Féin TDs on 6 June and
give the power-brokers something to think about.
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